This is why the Kremlin fears Britain

"For Russia, Britain is enemy number one," Defence Secretary John Healey said recently. It sounds overdramatic, but it is not. It reflects the reality that the Kremlin sees itself at war with the West. And it has singled out Britain as the European country most determined to do it harm.

Moscow is not using the tools of traditional warfare. There are no declarations of war and no front lines. Instead, it unfolds through cyber-attacks, sabotage, and disinformation.

This is what experts call hybrid warfare. It sits in a grey zone between peace and full-scale war and Russia sees the two as a continuum.

States inevitably compete and defend their interests, but the Kremlin’s methods cross a line — targeting civilians, spreading lies, and treating the information space itself as a battlefield.

The aim of the campaign against the West is not to seize territory but to corrode trust — to make people doubt their institutions, their media, and even one another. Weakening a society like this makes it defenceless.

Russian talk shows mention Britain more than any other Western country. London is accused of plotting to destroy Russia, of masterminding Ukraine’s resistance, even of sponsoring terrorism.

The purpose is simple: to convince Russians that outsiders are to blame for their country’s problems.

Britain’s role as Russia’s favourite enemy is not new. For centuries, Russia’s leaders have oscillated between resentment and admiration toward the country.

In tsarist times, Britain - perfidious Albion - was blamed for every setback, from military defeats to revolutionary unrest. Yet Russian reformers saw Britain’s parliament, universities, and civic life as a model to aspire to.

What the Kremlin fears most today is Britain’s embodiment of the idea that a country can function without fear of its leaders and the need for repression.

Britain has already felt the impact of Russia’s hybrid warfare. Russian-linked groups have been convicted of arson and espionage. Cyber-attacks have targeted hospitals, councils and universities.

Across Europe, drones have crossed into Polish airspace, and missiles have landed in Romanian waters near NATO territory. These incidents are tests for Moscow of how open societies react when uncertainty becomes the norm.

How should we respond? First, by recognising that resilience is not just the government’s job. It starts with each of us.

It means stronger passwords and cautious clicking, but also something broader: staying informed, talking to neighbours, volunteering, voting. Active citizens make a society harder to manipulate.

Second, by keeping perspective. Britain’s flaws are clearly visible — inequality, distrust, polarisation — but these are challenges to be fixed, not reasons to abandon democracy.

In Russia, problems are buried by repression and silence. In democracies, they are tackled through participation.

Democracy delivers — unevenly, slowly, and sometimes painfully — yet it still protects rights and human dignity, and that is exactly what authoritarian systems fear.

They are living evidence that there is an alternative to their suffocating systems that squeeze society into obedience.

In Britain, people can argue, protest and hold power to account. The Kremlin’s anger towards Britain reflects its fear of its own people.

It is a reminder that the freedoms and institutions we often take for granted remain deeply attractive to those who live without them.

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Katia Glod is Deputy Head of Foreign Policy at the New Eurasian Strategies Centre.

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