The US action on Muslim Brotherhood marks a reckoning with its ideological war on the West
This article has been updated to reflect a comment by the Muslim Association of Britain
Last week, the United States took a historic step by initiating the process to designate certain Muslim Brotherhood chapters as Foreign Terrorist Organizations, an extraordinary shift that aligns Washington with countries across the Middle East, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain, which have long treated the Brotherhood as a dangerous destabilising force.
Listen to this article
That decision did not emerge in a vacuum. It came after growing evidence that the Brotherhood’s challenge to the West is not primarily violent but ideological, strategic, and systemic.
A major new report by US think tank ISGAP outlines how the movement has spent decades embedding itself into Western civil society, campuses, media narratives, and political discourse.
The Brotherhood’s playbook is “institutional capture by cultural means,” a long-term project of ‘tamkeen’, or entrenchment, designed to undermine liberal democracies from within.
This is what the US is now responding to: a movement that uses Western freedoms to hollow out Western confidence, advancing an illiberal ideology beneath the language of rights, representation, and moral critique. Antisemitism is central to that strategy, not incidental.
From its earliest writings, the Brotherhood understood that antisemitism could be deployed as a civilisational solvent, a way to unite Muslims and non-Muslims alike against a shared enemy, to turn Western guilt into moral weakness, and to build a new order grounded in Islamist norms. It has worked.
Across the West, antisemitic rhetoric disguised as anti-Zionism or decolonial critique circulates freely in universities, media, and activism. What began as a theological enmity has matured into a political instrument eroding the West’s moral confidence from within.
The Brotherhood’s strategic papers outline a five-stage plan to replace Western civilisation through slow cultural capture. Britain now finds itself in the fourth stage: presenting Islam as a civilisational alternative. Here, Islamist ideas have become attractive even to non-Muslims who share its critiques of liberalism, Zionism, and moral decay.
Antisemitism, in this design, is a unifying language of resentment binding Islamist and non-Islamist actors in common opposition to the West.
By recasting Jews as the embodiment of Western modernity, capitalism, and moral decay, the Brotherhood transformed antisemitism into a revolutionary narrative, a justification for overturning the liberal order and presenting Islam as its moral alternative. We see the results today. Islamism no longer requires Islamists to thrive.
Its ideas circulate through the Western left and right alike, refracted through populist outrage and identity politics. On the left, antisemitism has found new legitimacy under banners of anti-Zionism and decolonisation.
The early alliance between the Socialist Workers Party and the Brotherhood-linked Muslim Association of Britain under the banner of the Respect Party anticipated the fusion now visible on campuses, where progressive movements echo chants to “globalise the intifada” and call for a world “from the river to the sea” - slogans demanding the eradication of the Jewish state.
But Western policymakers still struggle to grasp the nature of this threat because it predominantly does not present as terrorism but as moral critique.
Antisemitism provides the Islamist movement with both its enemy and its excuse, the means by which it recasts the West’s own ethical language against itself.
To accuse Jews of domination is, in this logic, to expose the supposed corruption of liberal civilisation; to call for Israel’s destruction becomes a call for the world’s moral renewal.
Every protest, every chant, every slogan that equates Zionism with evil advances the Brotherhood’s civilisational campaign in the West without a single bullet fired.
The movement’s ideological DNA has spread so widely that even secular actors now reproduce its worldview. It is not that the West has been conquered, it is that it has been persuaded that its own civilisation is a moral failing, and that its Jewish inheritance is to blame.
To confront this, we must recognise antisemitism not merely as prejudice but as political technology, a strategy for civilisational subversion.
The Brotherhood’s stated aim is to “eliminate and destroy Western civilisation from within.” It is doing so not with violence but with vocabulary, co-opting the moral language of justice and liberation to make its project appear righteous.
If the twentieth century saw Islamism’s institutional rise, the twenty-first is witnessing its ideological triumph. Our defence must rediscover moral courage, not by retreating into populism, but by reasserting the liberal principles that Islamists seek to erode.
Defending Jews is not an act of tribal loyalty; it is a defence of the very civilisation that guarantees liberty for all.
With the United States now recognising the Brotherhood’s ideological warfare for what it is, the question for Britain and Europe is no longer whether the threat exists but whether we are willing to confront it.
The Brotherhood’s war on the West is not fought with armies, but with ideas. If antisemitism has been its most effective weapon, then our best defence is the unapologetic revival of the values it seeks to destroy.
_________________
A spokesperson for the Muslim Association of Britain told LBC: “The Muslim Association of Britain is a British organisation operating entirely within the British Isles, with no presence elsewhere. It is not linked to nor affiliated to the Muslim Brotherhood”
Dr Charlotte Littlewood is a former Prevent Practitioner and Counter Extremism Coordinator.
LBC Opinion provides a platform for diverse opinions on current affairs and matters of public interest.
The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official LBC position.
To contact us email opinion@lbc.co.uk