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A third Trump presidency would make America unrecognisable

A third term for Donald Trump would represent something unmistakable: a decisive step towards authoritarianism, writes Andrew Moran

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A third term for Donald Trump would represent something unmistakable: a decisive step towards authoritarianism, writes Andrew Moran.
A third term for Donald Trump would represent something unmistakable: a decisive step towards authoritarianism, writes Andrew Moran. Picture: Alamy
Andrew Moran

By Andrew Moran

The second Trump presidency is already testing the resilience of American democracy, a third in 2032 would raise a far darker question: whether democracy would still meaningfully exist at all.

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Under the US Constitution, the 22nd Amendment is clear that Trump cannot legally serve a third term. If he were somehow president in 2032, something extraordinary must have happened: either a constitutional amendment or a major international or domestic crisis in 2028 that allowed emergency powers to swallow democratic safeguards.

Whatever the route, the destination would represent something unmistakable: a decisive step towards authoritarianism.

America would not become a dictatorship overnight - modern authoritarianism rarely arrives with tanks in the streets, institutional exhaustion is the more likely route. This means courts bent by political pressure, legislatures reduced to spectators, a media environment intimidated into compliance, and a public that slowly adapts to the abnormal.

We’re already seeing elements of this. Trump’s political movement is built on loyalty to the leader rather than loyalty to institutions. The more power he acquires, the weaker the checks around him become. By 2032, this consolidation would likely be complete.

Economically, America would become even more unequal. Trumpism speaks the language of forgotten workers, but its governing instincts overwhelmingly favour the concentration of wealth and elite interests. Populist rhetoric would continue to mask policies that deepen divisions between rich and poor while redirecting public anger towards immigrants, minorities and cultural enemies.

The country itself would also narrow further. Less diverse in representation, more overtly white, male and Christian in its political identity. That does not mean minorities disappear, but their place within the national story would be marginalised, as if America belongs more to some people than others.

The pressure on universities, schools and the media would intensify. Educational institutions would face increasing demands to align with Trump’s agenda or risk retaliation. Critical journalism would be framed as disloyalty rather than democratic accountability. Trump has already attacked media organisations, so a 2032 administration unconstrained by constitutional norms would likely go much further.

And then there is the state itself. A stronger executive. A weaker Congress. Courts stretched to breaking point after years of political warfare. Whether these institutions could withstand much more pressure would determine much of what happened next.

Internationally, the consequences would be enormous. America would retreat further from its role as guarantor of the liberal international order. NATO could easily fracture into a European alliance, not a transatlantic one.

But that vacuum would not remain empty for long, as China would expand its influence further.

None of this is predetermined. American democracy still contains powerful forces capable of resisting authoritarian drift: courts, journalists, civil society groups, state governments and voters themselves.

The US political system was designed to make absolute power difficult to achieve, but democracies survive only because enough people choose to defend the principles underlying them. We must hope enough of those people remain in the coming years.

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Professor Andrew Moran is Head of Politics and International Relations at London Metropolitan University.

LBC Opinion provides a platform for diverse opinions on current affairs and matters of public interest.

The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official LBC position.

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